Estimated Reading Time: 41 min
Before you begin the quiz, ensure you have a complete comprehension of the summary of the Can the Subaltern Speak? by Gayatri Spivak.
Can the Subaltern Speak MCQs
1. What is the main question in Spivak’s essay “Can the Subaltern Speak?”
A. The economic policies of post-colonial nations.
B. The possibility of the subaltern representing themselves.
C. The history of European political philosophy.
D. The impact of global capitalism on developing countries.
2. Spivak’s critique of ‘intellectuals and power’ is based on which two thinkers?
A. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.
B. Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze.
C. Jacques Derrida and Jean-François Lyotard.
D. Judith Butler and Homi Bhabha.
3. What is a common criticism of Foucault and Deleuze’s discussion of the subaltern?
A. They overemphasised economic factors.
B. They ignored the role of gender.
C. They did not adequately represent the subaltern’s perspective.
D. They focused only on Western European history.
4. How does Deleuze problematically describe the ‘workers’ struggle’?
A. As a call for immediate political action.
B. As a spontaneous and transparent phenomenon.
C. As a critique of Marxist theory.
D. As a historical analysis of labour movements.
5. What idea about the ‘workers’ struggle’ is considered ‘unthinkable’ in poststructuralist theory?
A. The notion of spontaneous revolt.
B. The idea of a transparent worker’s consciousness.
C. The concept of global solidarity.
D. The impact of media on political mobilization.
6. In global capitalism, what is the ‘subject-production of worker and unemployed’ related to?
A. The rise of trade unions.
B. The subtraction of the working class in the Periphery from consumerism.
C. The development of new technologies.
D. The decline of manufacturing in the West.
7. What problem do poststructuralist intellectuals face when discussing the ‘Third Wórld’?
A. They lack a theoretical framework.
B. They cannot adequately represent the subaltern’s consciousness.
C. They are too focused on local issues.
D. They disregard historical materialism.
8. What is Spivak’s main concern with Deleuze’s claim that desire ‘does not lack anything’?
A. It dismisses economic hardships.
B. It gives agency to a non-existent, unified subaltern consciousness.
C. It ignores the material conditions that shape desire.
D. It focuses too much on individual psychology.
9. What does Deleuze’s statement, “desire that lacks a fixed subject,” imply?
A. Desire is purely psychological.
B. Desire is a productive force, not a response to lack.
C. Desire is always repressed by societal norms.
D. Desire is an illusion.
10. According to Deleuze, what produces the subject?
A. The subject’s lack of desire.
B. Desire.
C. Society.
D. The subject controls its desires.
11. What is the criticism against Deleuze’s concept of desire?
A. It overlooks psychological complexity.
B. It doesn’t account for the historical conditioning of desire.
C. It ignores the role of culture.
D. It focuses too much on individual desires.
12. What does Spivak argue is necessary to understand desire in global capitalism?
A. A focus on psychological analysis.
B. An analysis of specific historical and economic conditions.
C. A universal theory of human nature.
D. An emphasis on individual freedom.
13. How does Deleuze conceptualize the production of desire?
A. As a spontaneous, unmediated process.
B. As a machine that produces a product and gives a leftover to the vagabond.
C. As a result of individual choice.
D. As a purely intellectual exercise.
14. What is the criticism of Deleuze’s refusal to acknowledge a specific subject-effect?
A. It makes it difficult to analyse individual psychology.
B. It attributes too much agency to collective groups.
C. It sidesteps the historical production of the desiring subject.
D. It focuses too much on the role of the state.
15. What is Althusser’s view on the subject-effect?
A. It is spontaneous and unconditioned.
B. It is a production of both ideology and desire.
C. It is entirely determined by economic structures.
D. It is a matter of individual consciousness.
16. What is Spivak’s critique of Althusser’s position on the subject?
A. Althusser overemphasizes individual agency.
B. Althusser allows for a ‘strong’ passport for the subject, which is questionable.
C. Althusser ignores the psychological dimension of the subject.
D. Althusser’s theory is too focused on Western contexts.
17. What is a key difference between Deleuze/Foucault and Althusser’s view of history?
A. Deleuze/Foucault see history as linear, Althusser sees it as cyclical.
B. Deleuze/Foucault focus on events, while Althusser sees history as an always-already present theory.
C. Deleuze/Foucault emphasize economics, Althusser emphasizes culture.
D. Deleuze/Foucault see ideology as a construct, Althusser sees it as natural.
18. What is a specific criticism of Althusser’s view on ideology?
A. His theory is too vague.
B. His theory implies ideology is always-already present, leading to a problematic view of history.
C. He completely disregards the role of the state.
D. He focuses too much on individual consciousness.
19. How does Foucault perceive the formation of a subject’s ideology?
A. As a continuous, uninterrupted process.
B. As discrete historical events that shape ideology.
C. As primarily determined by individual psychology.
D. As a result of economic determinism.
20. What is Foucault’s ‘conscious unconscience’ meant to describe?
A. A universal human trait.
B. A mechanism to align interest and desire.
C. A state of mental confusion.
D. The absence of ideology.
21. What is Deleuze’s view on the relationship between desire and reality?
A. Desire reflects existing reality.
B. Desire is a productive force that creates reality.
C. Desire and reality are unrelated.
D. Desire is an obstacle to understanding reality.
22. What is a key characteristic of Deleuze’s ‘new economic model’ of desire?
A. It is based on individual choice.
B. It operates as a machine producing desire without lack.
C. It is purely theoretical.
D. It focuses on collective desires.
23. What is the criticism of the political implications of Deleuze’s concept of productive desire?
A. It leads to an overemphasis on individual psychology.
B. It makes the ‘real’ political content of desire elusive.
C. It ignores economic structures.
D. It promotes a conservative political agenda.
24. How does Althusser conceptualize the ‘dispositional idyll of the role of ideology’?
A. As a spontaneous outbreak of ideas.
B. As an unremarked, ideological production.
C. As a result of political activism.
D. As a natural part of human existence.
25. What is the central concern about the argument that “the masses know perfectly well”?
A. It implies a universal consciousness.
B. It denies the possibility of false consciousness.
C. It oversimplifies political processes.
D. It ignores the role of education.
26. What are the limitations of a ‘realist’ approach to the state, according to Deleuze?
A. It disregards the economic function of the state.
B. It fails to acknowledge that the state is a machine.
C. It overemphasizes individual agency.
D. It promotes a cynical view of politics.
27. What is Deleuze’s perspective on the role of ideology in perception?
A. Ideology is an external force that distorts reality.
B. Ideology is a production of reality, not just a reflection.
C. Ideology is irrelevant to perception.
D. Ideology is a form of false consciousness.
28. What is the core argument against the idea of a ‘spontaneous’ knowledge of political reality?
A. Knowledge is always mediated by ideology and history.
B. Spontaneous knowledge is superior to learned knowledge.
C. All knowledge is inherently false.
D. Only scientific knowledge is valid.
29. What is the criticism of Deleuze’s view on the ‘masses’ ability to know?
A. It assumes a universal truth that does not exist.
B. It obscures how consciousness is produced and controlled by history.
C. It overestimates the power of individual reason.
D. It underestimates the role of political leaders.
30. Which philosophical school does the text associate with Deleuze and Foucault?
A. Empiricism.
B. Poststructuralism.
C. Rationalism.
D. Marxism.
31. In what context do Deleuze and Foucault view ‘representation’ as an ’empty place’?
A. In purely aesthetic contexts.
B. In politics and representation, particularly regarding the state.
C. In economic theory.
D. In individual psychology.
32. What is the main issue with the claim that the ‘theoretician does not represent’?
A. It ignores the practical need for representation in politics.
B. It is a performative utterance that contradicts itself.
C. It undermines the importance of theoretical work.
D. It suggests a complete absence of intellectual engagement.
33. How does the text describe the nature of ‘representation’ for the subaltern?
A. As a direct, unmediated reflection.
B. As a complex act involving political, economic, and epistemic mediation.
C. As a simple act of communication.
D. As an irrelevant concept.
34. What is the problem with the two senses of representation—’speaking for’ and ‘re-presenting’?
A. They are mutually exclusive.
B. The confusion of these two senses creates ambiguity and obscures the subaltern’s agency.
C. One is always preferred over the other.
D. They are both equally problematic.
35. What is Althusser’s distinction of the two senses of representation related to?
A. Political representation and artistic representation.
B. ‘re-presentation’ as ideological production and ‘speaking for’ as a political act.
C. Economic representation and social representation.
D. Legal representation and informal representation.
36. According to the text, what is the role of the ‘ruling class’ in relation to ideology?
A. The ruling class is a passive recipient of ideology.
B. The ruling class actively produces ideology to maintain its dominance.
C. The ruling class is unaware of ideology.
D. The ruling class is free from ideology.
37. What is Deleuze and Foucault’s position on the relationship between desire and social formation?
A. Social formations are determined by economics, not desire.
B. Desire is a productive force in social formation.
C. Desire is an individual phenomenon, separate from social formation.
D. Social formations repress desire.
38. What does Spivak mean by saying the subaltern cannot ‘speak’?
A. They are literally mute.
B. Their voice is not heard within dominant frameworks.
C. They lack the capacity for coherent thought.
D. They choose not to participate in political discourse.
39. What critique does the text offer regarding the ‘Subaltern Studies’ group?
A. They focus too much on economic history.
B. They are too heavily influenced by Western poststructuralism.
C. They fail to acknowledge the role of colonialism.
D. They do not engage with Marxist theory.
40. What is a key problem with the general class composition of the ‘subaltern’ category?
A. It is too narrowly defined.
B. It encompasses disparate groups that lack a unified political consciousness.
C. It overemphasizes economic status.
D. It excludes urban populations.
41. What is the significance of the term ‘subaltern’ in Gramsci’s work?
A. It refers to the capitalist class.
B. It describes a group subject to the ruling class but with its own leadership.
C. It denotes a purely economic category.
D. It represents the intellectual elite.
42. What is a criticism of the Subaltern Studies group’s interpretation of Gramsci?
A. They ignore Gramsci’s concept of hegemony.
B. They do not sufficiently engage with his theory of civil society.
C. They focus too much on the role of the state.
D. They overemphasize the role of the working class.
43. What is the distinction between ‘the people’ (la gente) and ‘the masses’ (la massa) in Gramsci’s work?
A. ‘La gente’ is a political category, while ‘la massa’ is economic.
B. ‘La gente’ is an active political base, while ‘la massa’ is a broader group.
C. ‘La gente’ is intellectual, ‘la massa’ is ignorant.
D. ‘La gente’ is urban, ‘la massa’ is rural.
44. What is the criticism of the Subaltern Studies project regarding political consciousness?
A. It assumes a pre-existing, unified subaltern consciousness.
B. It ignores the role of economic factors in shaping consciousness.
C. It focuses too much on individual psychology.
D. It overemphasizes the role of colonial administration.
45. What is the challenge in identifying ‘intellectuals’ within the subaltern?
A. Lack of historical records.
B. The difficulty in distinguishing between traditional and organic intellectuals.
C. The absence of formal education.
D. The tendency to categorize all literate individuals as intellectuals.
46. What does Spivak suggest as a more nuanced approach to the subaltern?
A. A purely economic analysis.
B. An understanding that accounts for their internal heterogeneity.
C. A focus on their political leaders.
D. A universal theory of subaltern identity.
47. What is a key problem in applying Western theories to the subaltern experience?
A. They are not complex enough.
B. They often fail to capture specific historical and cultural contexts.
C. They are too focused on economic issues.
D. They are too abstract.
48. What is the historical context in which the Subaltern Studies group emerged?
A. Post-World War I Europe.
B. Post-colonial India.
C. Pre-revolutionary Russia.
D. Cold War Latin America.
49. What is the primary aim of the Subaltern Studies project?
A. To write a new economic history of India.
B. To recover the voice and agency of the subaltern.
C. To critique the British colonial administration.
D. To develop a new theory of international relations.
50. What is a critique of the Subaltern Studies project regarding ‘consciousness’?
A. It assumes a homogenous ‘national’ consciousness.
B. It tends to oversimplify diverse forms of subaltern consciousness.
C. It ignores the role of class consciousness.
D. It focuses too much on individual psychology.
51. How does the text describe the challenge of the subaltern’s subjectivity?
A. It is easily expressed through existing political channels.
B. It is often fragmented, mediated, and difficult to access.
C. It is identical to the subjectivity of the elite.
D. It is a purely economic phenomenon.
52. What is Spivak’s overall assessment of the Subaltern Studies project?
A. It is a complete failure.
B. It has made important contributions but faces theoretical challenges.
C. It is the definitive approach to subaltern history.
D. It is too focused on a narrow geographical area.
53. What is the “single object of the subaltern’s desire” that Foucault attributes to the Subaltern Studies group?
A. Economic prosperity.
B. Consciousness.
C. A representative government.
D. Cultural recognition.
54. What is the main problem with the ‘transparency of the intellectual’ position?
A. It ignores the emotional labour of research.
B. It assumes the intellectual can neutrally access the subaltern’s consciousness.
C. It overemphasizes academic jargon.
D. It leads to a lack of empathy.
55. How does Marxism perceive the ‘worker’s struggle’?
A. As a spontaneous, unified movement.
B. As part of the production of knowledge, where consciousness is shaped by class relations.
C. As a purely economic phenomenon.
D. As an illusion.
56. What is the criticism of the idea of a ‘peasant consciousness’?
A. It is too specific to India.
B. It risks essentializing a unified consciousness.
C. It ignores the role of urbanization.
D. It overemphasizes individual agency.
57. What is one of the “shuffling signifiers” that hides the “pure form of consciousness”?
A. Economic development.
B. The collective unconscious.
C. Political party affiliation.
D. Religious belief.
58. What is the central argument regarding the Subaltern Studies project’s engagement with Althusser?
A. They fully embrace Althusser’s theory of ideology.
B. They selectively use aspects of Althusser on the production of consciousness.
C. They completely reject Althusser’s ideas.
D. They misinterpret Althusser’s core concepts.
59. What is the issue with claiming “the subaltern can speak and must be heard”?
A. It ignores the linguistic barriers.
B. It fails to interrogate who is speaking and how their speech is mediated.
C. It overemphasizes the importance of speech.
D. It promotes a universalistic view of communication.
60. What is the problem with projecting a “subjectivity” onto the subaltern that resembles the Western humanist subject?
A. It reinforces colonial power structures.
B. It simplifies the complexity of human experience.
C. It limits the political potential of the subaltern.
D. It ignores their economic struggles.
61. What concept is “repeatedly displaced” within the Subaltern Studies project, according to Spivak?
A. Economic determinism.
B. The theoretical problem of the subject’s ideology.
C. Political agency.
D. Cultural identity.
62. What is the ultimate aim of a “strategic use of positivism” in historical research?
A. To avoid all theoretical frameworks.
B. To interpret historical data while acknowledging its constructed nature.
C. To promote a single, definitive historical truth.
D. To ignore the role of the researcher.
63. What is the significance of “materialist historiography” for the subaltern?
A. It provides a direct voice for the subaltern.
B. It allows for an analysis of their socio-economic conditions.
C. It focuses purely on political events.
D. It emphasizes individual biographies.
64. What does the text argue about the relationship between knowledge and political power?
A. Knowledge is always neutral.
B. Knowledge is intrinsically linked to power structures.
C. Political power can exist without knowledge.
D. Knowledge can always be used to dismantle power.
65. What is the criticism of “speaking for” the subaltern by intellectuals?
A. It is always necessary.
B. It risks silencing the subaltern’s own voice and replacing it with the intellectual’s agenda.
C. It is harmless if well-intentioned.
D. It is an effective way to mobilize political support.
66. What is Deleuze’s concept of ‘desire’ criticized for when applied to the subaltern?
A. Being too individualistic.
B. Neglecting the historical, material production of desire.
C. Being overly pessimistic.
D. Focusing too much on psychological states.
67. What is the danger of assuming a transparent “worker’s struggle”?
A. It overlooks the complex ways consciousness is produced and manipulated.
B. It encourages political apathy.
C. It leads to an overemphasis on economic factors.
D. It ignores the role of leadership.
68. What is the problem with intellectuals claiming to simply “let the subaltern speak”?
A. It is impossible for the subaltern to speak.
B. It ignores that any act of listening involves interpretation and selection.
C. It is a call for violent revolution.
D. It is an outdated philosophical idea.
69. What is the ‘epistemic violence’ that Spivak discusses?
A. Physical violence against subaltern populations.
B. The denial of the subaltern’s capacity for knowledge and self-representation.
C. The suppression of religious beliefs.
D. The imposition of foreign languages.
70. What is a danger of using Western concepts like ‘desire’ without critical re-evaluation?
A. It simplifies complex social relations.
B. It risks imposing Western categories onto non-Western realities.
C. It leads to a focus on individual psychology.
D. It encourages economic exploitation.
71. How does the text characterize the division of labour between the “Centre” and “Periphery”?
A. A fair exchange of goods and services.
B. The Periphery provides surplus value but is denied the ‘humanistic’ training of consumerism.
C. A balanced distribution of wealth.
D. A system of equal opportunity.
72. What is the criticism of intellectuals who claim to understand the ‘subaltern mind’ perfectly?
A. It is a sign of arrogance.
B. It often leads to a misrepresentation due to the intellectual’s own biases.
C. It is necessary for political action.
D. It promotes cultural relativism.
73. What is the potential pitfall of celebrating ‘fragmented’ power without critical analysis?
A. It makes power easier to identify and resist.
B. It can obscure the actual mechanisms of power and oppression.
C. It leads to an increase in political participation.
D. It strengthens democratic institutions.
74. What is the main issue with the “general intellectual” as opposed to the “specific intellectual”?
A. The general intellectual is more effective in broad social movements.
B. The general intellectual often assumes a universal knowledge and speaks for an undifferentiated ‘people’.
C. The general intellectual has a narrower focus.
D. The general intellectual is less influential.
75. What is the problem with the notion of a ‘pre-capitalist mode of production’?
A. It accurately reflects historical reality.
B. It implies a static past, rather than a dynamic interaction with global capital.
C. It overemphasizes economic factors.
D. It ignores indigenous knowledge systems.
76. How does the text describe the relationship between ‘interest’ and ‘desire’?
A. They are interchangeable.
B. They are distinct but often confused, especially in Deleuze’s work.
C. Interest is always subordinate to desire.
D. Desire is always subordinate to interest.
77. What is the implication of Deleuze’s statement “desire is an ontology on false consciousness”?
A. Desire is always based on deception.
B. It suggests desire holds a political truth that is not immediately accessible.
C. Desire is a purely subjective experience.
D. Desire is irrelevant to political analysis.
78. What does Spivak argue about the idea of ‘collective desire’?
A. It simplifies the complex and often contradictory nature of desires.
B. It is a necessary fiction for political mobilization.
C. It is always a sign of true solidarity.
D. It accurately reflects the desires of the working class.
79. What is a key criticism of Foucault’s genealogical method?
A. It focuses too much on grand narratives.
B. It tends to present history as a series of discontinuous events.
C. It ignores the role of individual thinkers.
D. It is too deterministic.
80. What is the ‘epistemic shift’ that occurred with the rise of poststructuralism?
A. A move towards grand narratives.
B. A shift from objective truth to the constructed nature of knowledge.
C. A return to classical philosophy.
D. A focus on economic materialism.
81. What is the danger of prioritizing ‘local struggles’ over ‘global analyses’?
A. It leads to an oversimplification of local issues.
B. It risks obscuring the broader global structures of power.
C. It makes political action impossible.
D. It is a necessary step towards decolonization.
82. What does the text imply about the relationship between academic discourse and political action?
A. They are completely separate.
B. Academic theories can have real-world political implications.
C. Academic discourse always directly leads to political change.
D. Political action does not require theoretical grounding.
83. What is the criticism of Deleuze’s ‘New Philosophy’ for being ‘transparent’?
A. It is too easy to understand.
B. It assumes unmediated access to truth without acknowledging ideology.
C. It lacks theoretical depth.
D. It is not engaging enough.
84. What is the significance of the “international division of labour” for the subaltern?
A. It creates a uniform global culture.
B. It shapes the economic and social conditions that define their existence.
C. It promotes economic equality.
D. It is irrelevant to the subaltern experience.
85. What is a key characteristic of the “subaltern subject” in academic discourse?
A. It is always a coherent, unified entity.
B. It is often an imagined or theorized construct.
C. It is primarily an economic agent.
D. It is always a political leader.
86. What is the role of the ‘Third Wórld’ in poststructuralist discussions about the subaltern?
A. It is seen as a model for development.
B. It often functions as a site where the subaltern’s consciousness is assumed to be directly accessible.
C. It is ignored in most analyses.
D. It is seen as a source of revolutionary ideas.
87. What does the text suggest is necessary for intellectuals to engage responsibly with the subaltern?
A. To assume a position of neutrality.
B. To critically examine their own positionality and theoretical frameworks.
C. To simply listen without interpretation.
D. To adopt a universal theory of oppression.
88. What is the criticism of Deleuze’s concept of the ‘desiring machine’?
A. It is too complex to understand.
B. It tends to universalize desire, overlooking specific historical and cultural formations.
C. It focuses too much on individual psychology.
D. It denies the existence of desire.
89. What is the relationship between the ‘mode of production’ and the ‘production of the subject’?
A. They are entirely separate processes.
B. The mode of production significantly shapes and determines the forms of subjectivity.
C. The subject produces the mode of production.
D. They are unrelated concepts.
90. What is a key problem with the notion of ‘spontaneous revolution’?
A. It overlooks the need for strong leadership.
B. It simplifies the complex organisation and ideological work required for social change.
C. It discourages individual participation.
D. It overemphasizes economic grievances.
91. What is the implication of Deleuze’s view that ‘power’ is always diffuse?
A. It makes power easier to challenge.
B. It can make it difficult to identify and target specific sites of oppression.
C. It promotes a more democratic distribution of power.
D. It highlights the agency of individuals.
92. What is the historical period that the Subaltern Studies group primarily investigates?
A. Ancient India.
B. Colonial and post-colonial India.
C. Medieval Europe.
D. Modern China.
93. What does Spivak identify as a fundamental methodological error in some Subaltern Studies work?
A. Overreliance on oral histories.
B. The assumption of a pre-existing, unified subaltern consciousness.
C. Neglecting economic data.
D. Too much focus on political elites.
94. What is the danger of a ‘transparent’ communication between the intellectual and the subaltern?
A. It creates genuine understanding.
B. It masks the inherent power dynamics and mediations involved.
C. It ensures accuracy.
D. It fosters mutual respect.
95. What is the problem with treating the subaltern as a monolithic category?
A. It ignores their shared experiences.
B. It overlooks the immense diversity and internal conflicts within subaltern groups.
C. It simplifies political mobilization.
D. It focuses too much on individual identities.
96. What is the function of ideology in the reproduction of power, according to Althusser?
A. Ideology is merely a reflection of the economic base.
B. Ideology actively shapes individuals into subjects who operate within existing power structures.
C. Ideology is always resisted by the working class.
D. Ideology is irrelevant to power.
97. What is the criticism of a purely “anti-essentialist” approach to identity?
A. It essentializes fragmentation.
B. It can deny the possibility of strategic essentialism for political action.
C. It ignores cultural differences.
D. It promotes a fixed view of identity.
98. How does Spivak describe the relationship between academic “master-narratives” and the subaltern’s voice?
A. Master-narratives accurately represent the subaltern.
B. Master-narratives often silence, distort, or appropriate the subaltern’s voice.
C. Master-narratives are irrelevant to the subaltern.
D. Master-narratives are always challenged by the subaltern.
99. What is the implication of Foucault’s later work on ‘power/knowledge’ for understanding the subaltern?
A. Knowledge can be separated from power.
B. The knowledge produced about the subaltern is linked to power structures.
C. Power is always oppressive.
D. Knowledge always leads to liberation.
100. What is the danger of an “epistemological self-assertion” by the intellectual?
A. It can lead to genuine empathy.
B. It risks imposing the intellectual’s own categories, effacing the subaltern’s experiences.
C. It promotes academic rigor.
D. It fosters interdisciplinary collaboration.
101. What is the historical lineage that informs Spivak’s critique of the subaltern’s ability to speak?
A. Ancient Greek philosophy.
B. Poststructuralist theories of representation.
C. Enlightenment rationalism.
D. Romantic literary theory.
102. What is the criticism of the “Subaltern Studies” project for focusing on the ‘consciousness’ of the subaltern?
A. It leads to an overly abstract analysis.
B. It risks projecting a unified, transparent consciousness onto a diverse group.
C. It ignores material conditions.
D. It overemphasizes political agency.
103. What is the “violent reification” that Spivak warns against?
A. Making the subaltern into a passive object of study.
B. Physically harming subaltern populations.
C. Overly complex theoretical analysis.
D. Economic exploitation.
104. What is the relationship between ‘theory’ and ‘practice’ when addressing the subaltern’s plight?
A. Practice is always superior to theory.
B. Theory is essential for informing practice, but must be critically applied.
C. Theory is irrelevant to practice.
D. Practice without theory is always effective.
105. What does the text argue about the role of ‘desire’ in global capitalism?
A. Desire always resists capitalism.
B. Desire can be harnessed and directed by capitalist structures.
C. Desire is a purely individualistic force.
D. Desire is irrelevant to economic systems.
106. What is the criticism of Deleuze’s and Foucault’s understanding of history?
A. It overemphasizes historical continuity.
B. It may overlook underlying structural continuities.
C. It is too deterministic.
D. It ignores individual agency.
107. What is the problem with relying solely on ’empirical data’ when studying the subaltern?
A. Empirical data is always biased.
B. Data is always interpreted through a theoretical lens.
C. Empirical data is too difficult to collect.
D. Empirical data is not detailed enough.
108. What is the ethical responsibility of the intellectual when engaging with the subaltern?
A. To remain detached and objective.
B. To acknowledge their own positionality and power dynamics.
C. To speak for the subaltern without question.
D. To universalize the subaltern experience.
109. What does the absence of a unified subaltern consciousness challenge?
A. The idea that the subaltern cannot act politically.
B. The idea of direct representation.
C. The need for analysis.
D. The powerlessness of the subaltern.
110. What is the role of ‘ideology’ for Althusser?
A. Ideology is an external force with no influence on the subject.
B. Ideology ‘interpellates’ individuals as subjects.
C. The subject is free from ideology.
D. Ideology only affects political leaders.
111. What is the criticism of a purely “anti-humanist” approach?
A. It accurately reflects human experience.
B. It can deny agency to the subaltern by reducing them to effects of structures.
C. It promotes individualism.
D. It is too emotional.
112. What is the risk of an intellectual trying to “recover” the pure voice of the subaltern?
A. It is a necessary and achievable goal.
B. It assumes a pre-existing, unmediated voice that can be retrieved.
C. It fosters mutual respect.
D. It strengthens the subaltern’s agency.
113. What is the ‘political gesture’ that Deleuze and Foucault are criticized for?
A. Denying its existence.
B. Assuming an unproblematic, transparent, and spontaneous form of political resistance.
C. Advocating for a violent overthrow of the state.
D. Ignoring the role of trade unions.
114. What is the relationship between ‘history’ and ‘ideology’?
A. History is a collection of facts, ideology is an opinion.
B. History is shaped by ideological frameworks.
C. Ideology is irrelevant to historical events.
D. History always reveals the truth, regardless of ideology.
115. What is the problem with viewing ‘desire’ as a purely ‘natural’ force?
A. It denies its existence.
B. It obscures how desire is historically and socially constructed.
C. It promotes a psychological reductionism.
D. It encourages a more positive view of human nature.
116. What is the concept of ‘representation’ as a ‘problematic’ issue in poststructuralist thought?
A. It is easily resolved.
B. It highlights the impossibility of direct, unmediated representation.
C. It is only an issue in art.
D. It signifies a lack of communication.
117. What does the term ‘subaltern’ imply for political action?
A. It automatically generates collective action.
B. It necessitates careful consideration of how diverse groups can find a collective voice.
C. It implies a unified political agenda.
D. It renders political action unnecessary.
118. What is the danger of interpreting the subaltern through a ‘Western gaze’?
A. It ensures universality.
B. It risks imposing Western categories and assumptions onto non-Western realities.
C. It provides a neutral perspective.
D. It facilitates cross-cultural understanding.
119. What is the central concern regarding the ‘silencing’ of the subaltern?
A. It is a deliberate act by powerful individuals.
B. It is a structural effect where existing frameworks do not allow their voice to be heard.
C. It is a consequence of their lack of education.
D. It is an intentional choice by the subaltern.
120. What is the ‘strategic essentialism’ that Spivak sometimes advocates for?
A. A fixed and unchanging view of identity.
B. A provisional and tactical use of essentialist categories for political mobilisation.
C. A complete rejection of all categories.
D. A universal theory of human essence.
